“Good to see you mate. It’s been a long time”. Angus, the district Political Officer and the other half of our Stabilisation Team greeted me as I stepped off the military transport, fresh from two weeks leave. He looked ever so slightly haggard – the usual spring in his step a shade less energetic than I remembered.

But then I waved him off – it was now his turn and he’d earned it. It sounded a tough time, and he gleefully wished me well as he departed. I was just a little daunted at the prospect of coordinating stabilisation efforts across two districts solo.

My first day is a maelstrom, awaking to the deep boom and shudder of an explosion. The nearby bazaar had been attacked using a motorcycle converted into a lethal homemade bomb, killing five innocent civilians. A cowardly, insidious act.

We immediately convened a meeting with the Government – where my worries deepened learning of the District Governor’s absence, away now for over four weeks and leaving precious few officials to deal with such crises. We made plans for the swift repair of the blast site and search for those responsible. We also met with the Afghan National Police to strengthen security around the Governor’s compound.

But things don’t slow down for such an incident, and I am quickly embroiled in a whirlwind of briefings to catch up on the myriad of latest events… the town’s generator has run out of fuel and the contractor has disappeared. Insurgents have launched a campaign of intimidation which must be nipped in the bud. A host of construction projects are demanding my attention (and a new school has been approved for construction). The governor’s council is to be reconvened  There are land disputes to be resolved and I learn that a young girl has been sold to pay for her father’s drug addiction. A recent counter-narcotics themed volleyball match between marines and local students has been an unbridled success (much relief at this news). It goes on.

And endless administrivia sits waiting impatiently. Reports, budgets, reviews, workplans are all buried within a morass of emails.

By midnight, its been a mind-numbing 11 meetings, and my leave is a distant memory. Its been a long first day back in Musa Qal’eh.

Commuting isn’t easy at the best of times. Travel into and out of Helmand’s northern district of Musa Qal’eh however, requires a whole new level of resilience.

Heading out on leave involves the planning of a military operation. Limited helicopters mean I can only travel on odd-numbered days – provided I submit my request at least four days in advance. I can only hope that the day of my flight is not ‘Patrol-Minimise’ – a condition grounding all non-critical movements due to a lack of available hospital beds. (A grim and all too regular occurrence).

The night before, my flight is confirmed ‘wheels-up’ for eight-thirty am. I am packed and waiting at the windswept HLZ (Helicopter Landing Zone) before eight. You never want to be caught off-guard if the bird comes early.

It doesn’t arrive.

We are told to wait an hour. We wait. There is a sandstorm in Bastion. The air-coord thinks we’ll be ok for eleven-thirty.

Just after eleven all hell breaks loose on the HLZ. An incensed crowd of Afghan Army soldiers appear, wielding rifles and angry expressions. They are immediately followed by a military ambulance and I quickly see the reason for their rage. Three of their own had been shot in a hit-and-run attack by the Taliban just moments before. The ‘Pedro’ – a Chinook tasked with emergency evacuations – is inbound. I grab the corner of a stretcher and help carry one of the stricken men onto the helicopter when it arrives. He is covered with blood and I have no idea if he will live. The chinook disappears as quickly as it arrives and the HLZ empties of people and vehicles. It is as if nothing has happened. I resume waiting.

The medevac has delayed our helicopter. It is 43 degrees so we find a seat in the shade.

At two, it arrives. We are overjoyed and leap on before it can escape.

Arriving dusty and laden in Camp Bastion Im told there is a flight leaving at three am.  A good thing I hadn’t planned to unpack.

I check in at the loading hall – an enormous tent teeming with soldiers wearing all manner of uniforms. We are herded onto the runway of one of Britain’s busiest airports. Standing in our body armour and helmets we brace ourselves against the hot spray of sand driven by the relentless jetwash of departing cargo planes.

We are marched into the bowels of a giant C130, and strapped in against the netting. As the lights dim and the engines howl, I feel like I am about to parachute out into the void.

I am met in Kandahar by one of our weary staff. It is just after four am. Helping with my gear he tells me of a flight leaving later that morning to Dubai, but there will be no time to sleep if I am to get a seat. No rest for the weary it seems. I haven’t eaten since the previous morning, I’m in the same sweat drenched clothes, and I haven’t even made it out of the country yet.

The context: One in five adults in Zambia is HIV+. The scale of the problem facing the country is vast and shows no signs of declining. Leadership is required in new and urgent ways if the pandemic is to be overcome.

Wasafiri’s role: Wasafiri consultant, Martin Kalungu-Banda, led a journey of innovation for a cross-sectoral gathering of Zambian leaders in order to discover new ways to tackle the crisis. The ambition was to achieve a breakthrough in thinking and action by through a unique change process. This implied:

  • Facilitating innovative cross-institutional, cross-sectoral collaboration and innovation
  • Techniques to overcome barriers and blockages to breakthrough action
  • Prototyping solutions across individual, community, national and possibly global levels.

Generating action: New ways have been found to grow the uptake of testing and treatment services, and a public consensus has been reached between bishops and Former African Heads of State. Overall, a methodology has been found through which business, government and civil society sector could meaningfully collaborate, identify systemic forces and develop innovative solutions.

The whistle blew and 300 people cheered for the first time in a generation. Ten men in Afghan Army fatigues advanced toward their opposite numbers, local students clad in matching striped jerseys. Plumes of dust rose from the freshly raked pitch while people clambered onto rooftops, straining for a better view. Popular music boomed from the loudspeakers, creating a carnival atmosphere.  Football had come to Musa Qal’eh.

3 weeks earlier, our planning had started with modest intentions; to host a public event to build closer ties between the Afghan security forces and the local community. It hadn’t dawned on us that such an occasion would be a first for many years. ‘We would never have been allowed to do this under the Taliban.’ The organiser (and Director of Education) Ghulam Ali later told us. ‘We would have been punished. Very badly.’

The scale of organisation required also caught us unawares. The teams needed jerseys, a referee to be found, goalposts constructed, security to be planned, trophies purchased, music selected, the district governor’s blessing. This was no ordinary weekend knockabout.

And despite our myriad fears, it worked. The crowd swelled and shouted. The teams put on a fine display (to our relief it was a draw). There were no attacks, riots or explosions. And it proved that what we call ‘stabilisation’ doesn’t just have to be about building bridges or planning elections.

For outsiders today may have seemed a humble game of football, but for the people of Musa Qal’eh it was small step toward a brighter future.

The Huey skimmed the jagged crest of the mountain at a furious pace. I squinted into the gale as the district of Now Zad emerged from behind the line of peaks standing guard. This rollercoaster 10-minute flight spared me the dangers of a gruelling, IED-riddled road journey from Musa Qal’eh.

This had been my third attempt to reach the north-western most district of Helmand. To date I had been forced to abandon this half of my remit by a predictable combination of unavoidable local problems and delayed flights. I was growing ever more frustrated and curious to visit this beautiful place with as violent a history as any in the country.

For decades Now Zad was a prosperous city of over 20,000, and an important transit route supporting the largest bazaar in North Helmand. Its riches appealed to the Taliban, who seized the town four years ago. Bitter fighting forced the population to flee, and razed large parts of the city to rubble.

Retaken in a massive assault by the Marines late last year, people are slowly starting to return despite it remaining one of the most heavily mined districts in Afghanistan.

I found cause for hope in this ghost town, walking among the few shops open in the once thriving bazaar. Sayed Murad Agha, new into post, is an active and enthusiastic Governor, and leads animated weekly shuras in which local elders and religious figures are courted for their views on the district’s future.

Security now extends almost 10km in any direction from the District Centre – maintained by a large contingent of Marines working hand in hand with the growing Afghan police and army presence. I was astounded to feel more secure here than in any other district in Helmand.

The challenge now becomes one of development – rebuilding the bazaar, repairing destroyed homes, ridding the area of mines, opening new schools and clinics, and bringing life back to the bazaar. Cautiously trying an ice cream produced as if by magic from an unlikely (and slightly alarming) looking soft serve machine tucked away in a tiny corner store, I was both surprised and encouraged. Things are clearly improving.

If it is true that stability emerges through an all too rare combination of sustained security, effective governance and visible development, then Now Zad is making more headway than most.

As the lumbering Osprey helicopter roared overhead, blasting its audience with a searing cloud of dust, so ended the era of Mullah Salaam.

With the fall of Musa Qal’eh to the British in late 2007, Mullah Salaam became the highest profile Taliban commander to turn over his arms and renounce his position. In return he was granted protection and the Governorship – in the hope that others would follow suit.

His subsequent reign – maintained through an iron fist, political ties and a notorious private bodyguard – made a complex situation only more frought.

Yesterday that all changed.

An unassuming man by the name of Neimatullah arrived as Musa Qal’eh’s newest Governor. Serving as Deputy Governor for Marjeh, Neimatullah earned a reputation for getting things done – high praise for someone overseeing a district suffering the heaviest fighting of 2010.

I was curious to learn more as we shook hands. He smiled through his cropped white beard, crinkling his eyes and nodded. ‘These people have lived in darkness for so long’ he said as we talked of his plans for the coming days. ‘We cannot simply sit and talk and promise. We must listen and act to demonstrate our commitment to them. We must not rest in the days ahead’

‘Step by step we will bring back the government to the people. And if we fail, we will fail together’ he said – looking at Angus, myself and Col Manning as he spoke. ‘But if we succeed, we will succeed together.’

I began to see how he had earned his reputation. Humble and thoughtful, sharing a wry smile yet offering a glimpse into the ambition behind his words. I sense a dim ray of hope beginning to emerge for this war-torn district’s future.

“It will probably be the greatest concentration of firepower in the District.” the battalion Executive Officer had assured me.  On his second tour in Afghanistan with the US Marine Corps, I was inclined to trust him on such things. That said, planning the security for the opening of a local madrassa – or religious school – was a first for both of us.

The opening of the Nasimia Madrassa

On the morning of the opening, an event publicised widely over RIAB – Radio In A Box – the Taliban had made their views known. In a gesture designed as a warning to the local population, they had opened fire on an Afghan National Police unit patrolling the area, darting in and out of their attack on motorbikes.

In spite of such tactics, or possibly because of them, a large number of local elders, as well as twenty or so enthusiastic students, turned out for the opening. As with such celebrations, speeches were held, poetry recited and gifts offered. The dignified silence of the elders contrasted with the barely restrained energy of the boys.

I turned to one young man seated amongst the crowd. He was a pharmacist with a small shop in the local bazaar. ‘Is this madrassa good for the community?’ I asked. ‘Very good.’ he agreed. ‘Do you think girls should be able to have education?’ I probed further, curious to hear the perspective of an educated man. ‘No’ he said bluntly. ‘It is against our tradition.’

The small successes in this campaign belie the challenges ahead.

We left as we came – in a mighty convoy of armoured vehicles of all description, both Marine and Afghan. And as the newly finished madrassa, gleaming with its new coat of blue paint shrank from view, I was left pondering its future. How long will it last? Will the community keep the Taliban at bay? When will there come a time when an event as seemingly uncontroversial as opening a place of education wont require ‘the greatest concentration of firepower in the district’?

‘Hamish, this is Archie – Chief of Operations in the Helmand PRT. We’re looking forward to getting you out here in a few days, but there’s been a slight change of plan. We now need you to head out to the district of Musa Qal’eh. Lots of good work to be done. See you soon.’

Thus began my unlikely adventure as a Stabilisation Adviser for the notorious district of Musa Qal’eh. Just one week in, I’m beginning to grasp the significance of a role inherited from an illustrious line of ‘Stabads’. Richard Jones first deployed into the aftermath of Operation Snakebite – the hard-fought but ultimately successful mission to retake the District in December of 2007. His six-month stint, enduring frequent mortar and rocket attacks, laid the initial groundwork for a reconstruction effort that is central to the District’s future.

My immediate predecessor, Mike McKie, arrived mid-2009 to build on eighteen months of hard work. His efforts – in partnership with two successive British brigades – have yielded remarkable progress in advance of the recent handover to US command.

The scale of the challenge however – and my remit – remains daunting; to support efforts to build Afghan security forces, to help improve governance across the District, to restore basic services such as water, sanitation and power, and to develop health and education facilities.

On top of all of this, Archie cunningly waited till I arrived to drop into casual conversation that my remit would also encompass that of the neighbouring District of Now Zad. With all that has come before me in these iconic places, his parting words made me smile; ‘You’ll love it.’

The context: The world’s Least Developed Countries (LDCs) are the ones most affected by Climate Change. Yet they bear little responsibility for humankind’s contributions to the problem. Achieving a fair and legally-binding deal from multilateral climate negotiations has become quite simply an issue of survival for the most vulnerable.

Wasafiri’s role: Wasafiri consultant Liberal Seburikoko has been contracted to lead Climate Analytics’ work in Africa, providing LDC’s with real-time, cutting-edge scientific, political and strategic support for global Climate Change negotiations.

Generating action: The capacity of Africa’s poorest countries – those most affected by Climate Change – to negotiate a fairer deal at global Climate Change forums has been greatly increased by Liberal’s work. LDCs are in a stronger position than ever before to ensure their interests as considered alongside those of the world’s richest nations.